Saturday, 19 September 2015
NYT - Crazy Talk at the Republican Debate
This tech blogger completely missed the point of the Ahmed Mohamed story
Now, before I go on and get accused of attacking a 14 year old kid who’s already been through enough, let me explain my purpose. I don’t want to just dissect the clock. I want to dissect our reaction as a society to the situation.
So there you have it folks, Ahmed Mohamad did not invent, nor build a clock. He took apart an existing clock, and transplanted the guts into a pencil box, and claimed it was his own creation. It all seems really fishy to me.If we accept the story about “inventing” an alarm clock is made up, as I think I’ve made a pretty good case for, it’s fair to wonder what other parts of the story might be made up, not reported factually by the media, or at least, exaggerated.
Not Even the People Who Write Algorithms Really Know How They Work
You might deduce, for example, that the tracking software that watches you browse has figured out you’re shopping for a Halloween costume. Lo and behold, ads for gorilla suits and fairy wings start popping up in the margins of every other website you visit. Or maybe you just rewatched a bunch of Twilight Zone episodes on Netflix. It makes sense that the site then recommends Black Mirror andQuantum Leap.
But much of the time, there’s no way to tell why information is filtered the way it is online. Why is one person’s status update on Facebook prioritized in your News Feed over another’s? Why does Google return a different order of search results for you than for the person sitting next to you, googling the same thing?
These are the mysteries of the algorithms that rule the web. And the weird thing is, they aren’t just inscrutable to the people clicking and scrolling around the Internet. Even the engineers who develop algorithms can’t tell you exactly how they work.
Which means, Moore told me, we are “moving away from, not toward the world where you can immediately give a clear diagnosis” for what a data-fed algorithm is doing with a person’s web behaviors. I once explored the idea that we might eventually be able to subscribe to one algorithm over another on Facebook as a way to know exactly how the information filter was working. A nice thought experiment, perhaps, but one that assumes the people who write algorithms know with any level of precision or individuality how they work.
“You might be overestimating how much the content-providers understand how their own systems work,” said Moore, who is also a former vice president at Google. He didn’t want to talk about Google in particular, but he did present another hypothetical: Imagine a company showing movie recommendations.
“You might want to say, ‘Why did you recommend this movie?’ When you're using machine-learning models, the model trains itself by using huge amounts of information from previous people,” he said. “Everything from the color of the pixels on the movie poster through to maybe the physical proximity to other people who enjoyed this movie. It’s the averaging effect of all these things.”
Which means the systems that determine what you see on the web are becoming more complex than ever. Factor in questions about how those algorithms might hurt people and the picture is murkier still. Consider, for example, Facebook's patent for technology that could trace a person’s social network—a tool that lenders could use to consider the credit ratings of a person’s Facebook friends in deciding whether to approve a loan application. “If the average credit rating of these members is at least a minimum credit score, the lender continues to process the loan application,” Facebook wrote in the patent filing. “Otherwise, the loan application is rejected.”
“That is a really difficult problem,” Moore said. "You’re asking a computer that’s obviously not that smart in the first place to predict whether this person is a risk based on what we know about them—but [you’re telling it], ‘Please exclude these features that, as a society, we think would be illegal.’ But it’s very hard or impossible for the engineers to know for sure that the computer hasn’t inadvertently used some piece of evidence which it shouldn’t.”
All this means that as algorithms become more complex, they become more dangerous. The assumptions these filters make end up having real impact on the individual level, but they’re based on oceans of data that no one person, not even the person who designed them, can ever fully interpret.
Man brilliantly trolls homophobe commenters who slammed Doritos rainbow chips
He later took to his own Facebook page to address why he took action.
Did it ever occur to you that this actually has very little to do with gay pride? But rather, it is to address the fact that suicide is one of the leading causes of death amongst the LGBT community for ages 15 to 24?The 'It Gets Better' charity is where this money (all of it, mind you) is going and they just so happen to specialize in LGBT suicide prevention.Anyone being "upset" over this issue is really just slowing down the collective progress for all of humanity. And you're doing it for no reason other than your personal bias.
Banking customer engagement: Using data analytics to build personalized relationships
Transaction data define marketing opportunities
Data analytics opens windows to clients' wants and needs
Look to social media
Mine a broader vein of data
The Difference Between American and British Humour
Apart from the spelling of the word, obviously
“The Birther King”: A MAD Political Poster ! LOL !
UP Police - You sir, should be very proud of yourself ! aaargh !
UP Police : @CMOfficeUP कुछ कहते हैं, तस्वीरें कुछ कहती हैं
http://t.co/5Tb12laqpo @SsplkwUp @ChiefSecyUP pic.twitter.com/Y3cyme4qIM
— Anurag Tiwari (@AnuragJourno) September 19, 2015
What's with THESE dudes ?
.@tedcruz & @RickSantorum refuse to criticize @realDonaldTrump over anti-Muslim questioner http://t.co/hkRieDyOHY pic.twitter.com/j61scGEDdk
— CNN Politics (@CNNPolitics) September 19, 2015
Free Balochistan - Ignored by the World ?
#Pakistan stop killing religious people in #Balochistan & Stop Exploiting Baloch National Wealth. BRP #Germany @hrw pic.twitter.com/9oEQdC6TkT
— Banuk Zarina Baloch (@Zarina_Baloch) September 11, 2015
Modi's Trip Cost Canadian Taxpayers $3,73,000: Report
The cost of Modi's trip to Canada from April 15, the first official visit by an Indian prime minister in more than 40 years, were provided to the Huffington Post Canada under the Access to Information Act.
The expenses included 10,448 dollars on hotel rooms, 30,000 dollars on audio visual equipment, 21,708 dollars on unspecified consultants, 73,213 dollars on public servants' travel, 14,790 dollars on health services, 3,65,654 dollars on flowers and wreaths, 1,584 dollars on gifts, 5,981 dollars on interpreters and translation and 75 dollars for a flag.
The bill did not include security costs, the report said.
The largest expense on a gathering at an arena in downtown Toronto, at which Canadian Prime Minister and Conservative Leader Stephen Harper spoke to 10,000 members of the Indo-Canadian community and Modi was feted, was however not borne by Canadian taxpayers but by private citizens and businesses.
The event at the Ricoh Coliseum cost about 600,000 dollars, National Alliance of Indo-Canadians' President Azad Kumar Kaushik told HuffPost.
The event became controversial as it gave a political boost to Progressive Conservative Party (PCP) MP Patrick Brown, who was campaigning for leadership of Ontario province.
Kaushik, however, said, "We did not look at it from an electoral perspective. Our goal was to create bonding between India and Canada."
He said by organising this mega reception for Modi, the group wanted to promote enhanced investment and business opportunities, as well as remind the Indian government that Canada is home to an important diaspora whose needs should not be ignored.
Meanwhile, Timmins James Bay MPP Gilles Bisson has demanded that Brown, who is now leader of the Progressive Conservatives, should pay taxpayers back for some of the cost of the Modi visit.
"You can't have somebody do a political activity and then have it paid by the state," Bisson said.
"It was a pretty big thing for Brown's leadership bid, to have this person show up, and say he's my boy, especially in the community that he was trying to get all kinds of memberships signed up to," he said.
Bisson said he welcomed Modi's visit to Canada but felt Brown should repay some of the travel and security costs that taxpayers bore to help him campaign.
6th Pay Commission Revisited - The IAS lobby has cornered for itself far more pay than the Union cabinet cleared !
- The Union cabinet had cleared two additional increments for IAS officers, but bureaucrats gave themselves four
- Even the two additional increments cleared by the cabinet were meant only for a limited period. But the IAS lobby has manipulated to see that this incremental edge over others stays throughout service period.
- The additional fiscal burden for these increments not sanctioned by the cabinet is Rs 12 crore a year
- New notifications scripted by the babus have ensured that junior IAS officers will draw more than their seniors in other services
- Those in other services who were drawing the same pay as their IAS counterparts will now get less
The notification that gives IAS officers a pay advantage
- On August 14, the cabinet okayed two additional increments for the IAS in the fifth year of service. This would put them ahead of other streams vis-a-vis salary till the completion of sixteen years, after which there is pay parity across all services.
- However, while interpreting the new pay band system, the IAS lobby slipped in an additional two increments in the tenth year as well.
- The bureaucrats have also ensured that the pay edge they have got over others remains till they retire. There will be no cutoff after the 16th year in service.
State associations of IPS and Indian Forest Service (IFS) officers have sent in strong protests and representations, demanding not only a reversion to the original intent of the cabinet but also action against the officials responsible for "misinterpreting a cabinet decision."
In response to a fax to the Union finance ministry, an official associated with the pay commission told Outlook that the intention of the cabinet was to continue with the advantage for the IAS and IFS at three levels. "This was discussed at several meetings and has the sanction of the government," the official insisted, and pointed out that "members from the other services, including the IPS and the IFS, were present, they were fully aware of the implications, and gave their stamp of approval." However, the meetings took place on July 2, much before the issue came up before the cabinet.
Besides awarding themselves additional increments, the bureaucrats have also arbitrarily awarded themselves a higher salary structure than what was recommended through several arbitrary means. While the commission recommended Rs 9,000 as grade pay for joint secretary level officers, it has been increased straightaway to Rs 10,000.
The justification runs thus: an IAS officer of the director rank is equivalent to a colonel in the army or an SP in the police. The next step up the ladder makes a bureaucrat a joint secretary, equivalent to a major general or inspector general of police. However, police officers and those in the army and other defence services have to pass through one more rung—the brigadier-DIG level —before they are on par with a joint secretary. The commission's increment for DIG-level officers meant a grade pay of Rs 8,400—just Rs 100 more than an IAS director. The former protested and the grade salary was raised to Rs 8,900. This upset the joint secretaries, as their grade pay was Rs 9,000. The IAS lobby promptly raised it to Rs 10,000.
The cabinet mandated that the IAS has an edge over other services at only 3 middle levels, with 2 additional increments. But the new notification means that IAS officers get 4 additional increments, which continue throughout their career.
The other services have also been crying foul at the way grade pays have been fixed for them, while keeping the IAS at an advantage. In representations to the Centre, other service associations have pointed out that their increments have been proportionately much lower than that of their IAS counterparts. While increments for other ranks have been higher, for the DIG/brigadier level the ratio has been kept at a measly 0.14. This has led to IAS officers at a lower level drawing more than DIGs and brigadiers.
Similarly, an IAS officer drawing Rs 15,100 today will now get Rs 39,690. But his counterpart in the other services, drawing the same salary, will now, inexplicably, get Rs 38,500. "It is not just about money," a police officer says. "Pay structure also decides seniority, perks and powers. By ensuring the superiority of one service at the cost of all other services, you are ensuring bad governance. This will mean that other services will remain subservient to the wishes of the IAS. Is that desirable in our framework of good governance or in view of the efforts that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is making to bring about more professional delivery of governance in India?" he asks.
In the end, even as bureaucrats bestow increments and sops on themselves, can citizens expect better governance? All government employees associations have rejected a key recommendation made by the commission: to link twenty per cent of annual increment to performance. So, while the exchequer is drained at the expense of the common man, the babu has ensured that he will continue to reap benefits—even as he shortchanges the government he is supposed to serve.
Sunday, 13 September 2015
GOOD TIMES MAY NOT LAST
This article came in the INDIAN EXPRESS -
GOOD TIMES MAY NOT LAST
Dear prime minister,
This letter is a bit of history and some unsolicited advice — both suggesting how quickly good times can come to an end.
In December 1984, Rajiv Gandhi swept theLok Sabha elections. In the first phase, theCongress won an unprecedented 404 out of 514 seats; and another 10 in the Assam and Punjab Lok Sabha elections held in 1985. Such a feat had never happened in the history of Indian elections, and has not been repeated since. The nation gave a young man an incredible mandate to lead.
In July 1985, Rajiv Gandhi signed the Punjab Accord with the Akali Dal. Independence Day 1985 saw an agreement being signed with the All-Assam Students Union (AASU). On December 28, 1985 Rajiv Gandhi delivered a brilliant speech at the Brabourne Stadium, Mumbai on the occasion of the Congress’s centenary celebration. It was as good as any of your best oration. I quote:
“We are imprisoned by narrow, domestic walls of religion, language, caste and region, blocking out the clear view of a resurgent nation… Our legislatures do not set standards for others… A convenient conscience compels individuals to meander from ideology to ideology seeking power, influence and riches. Political parties twist their tenets, enticed by opportunism… We have government servants who do not serve but oppress the poor and the helpless, police who do not uphold the law but shield the guilty, tax collectors who do not collect taxes but connive with those who cheat the state, and whole legions whose only concern is their private welfare at the cost of society. They have no work ethic, no feeling for the public cause, no involvement in the future of the nation, no comprehension of national goals, no commitment to the values of modern India…”
He called the Congress leadership “self-perpetuating cliques who thrive by invoking the slogans of caste and religion and by enmeshing the living body of the Congress in their net of avarice…” And ended with:
“We obey no discipline, no rule, follow no principle of public weal. Corruption is not only tolerated but even regarded as the
hallmark of leadership.”
It seemed that nothing could go wrong.
Yet things soured. It started with the Shah Bano case — that of an elderly divorced Muslim woman whose husband had stopped paying alimony. The Supreme Court delivered an outstanding verdict in her favour. However, Rajiv Gandhi developed cold feet because he feared losing Muslim support. His government introduced the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill in February 1986, which became law in May 1986. It removed Muslim personal law from the Code of Criminal Procedure and denied even destitute Muslim divorced women the right to alimony from their former husbands. Rajiv Gandhi’s days of modernity had ended.
Then came the Italian businessman, Ottavio Quattrocchi, his closeness to Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi, and how since 1981 he was winning one fertiliser plant deal after the other for his company, Snamprogetti. This was true. During 1981-87, it won orders for setting up at least 20 fertiliser plants, most of which were in the public sector, as well as for ONGC’s gas pipeline at Hazira. Quattrocchi’s powers, the rumour mill said, were not only in winning bids, but also in getting Rajiv Gandhi’s government to punish those who placed orders on others.
Then came Bofors. In March 1986, Bofors AB of Sweden won a $285 million contract to supply 410 field howitzers. Soon, Chitra Subramaniam started obtaining detailed information on bribes that Bofors paid, which started coming out in The Hindu. Suddenly, it was all about the Bofors bribe and Quattrocchi. Amounting to Rs 64 crore, it was then the largest case of graft in India’s post-1947 history and embarrassed Rajiv Gandhi to no end. Amidst the Bofors scandal, his Doon School friend, Arun Singh, quit as minister of state for defence.
And V.P. Singh was thrown out, only to create other problems.
The worst was Rajiv Gandhi’s ill-advised military involvement in Sri Lanka. Lured into it by Junius Jayewardene, the Indian Peace Keeping Force lost some 1,200 soldiers before finally pulling out in 1990.
Thus, five years after the historic mandate, the young leader lost more seats than he won. The Congress won 414 Lok Sabha seats in 1984. It won only 197 in 1989. The number of seats it lost, 217, was 20 more than it won. In India, it doesn’t take long for the worm to turn.
Prime minister, your turning point may have arrived. It has to do with our armed forces. When we are supposed to be achieving over 7 per cent growth, with benign inflation, better revenue collections and Brent crude oil prices at less than $50 per barrel, no one can afford to ignore the demand of one rank, one pension (OROP). Especially not someone who is seen to be such a nationalist as you.
Your finance minister shall tell you that it will cost a fair amount. It does. The budget for 2015-16 earmarked Rs 54,500 crore for defence pensions. Full implementation of OROP would raise this by another Rs 18,000 crore. Maybe Rs 20,000 crore. But this is not an issue of money. You cannot alienate those who have defended our country; and the families of those who died for it. Ask Arun Jaitley to cut other subsidies; prune non-plan expenditure; dramatically increase the snail’s pace of disinvestment; and bring in the GST from April 2016. But don’t delay OROP.
Think of Param Vir Chakra awardees like Joginder Singh and Shaitan Singh who died fighting the Chinese in 1962; Abdul Hamid and Ardeshir Tarapore who perished on the western front in 1965; Albert Ekka, Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon and Arun Khetrapal who laid down their lives in 1971; Ramaswamy Parameshwaran who died in Sri Lanka in 1987; or Manoj Pandey, Yogendra Singh Yadav, Sanjay Kumar and Vikram Batra who fell defending Kargil in 1999. You cannot alienate the families of these men and of others who are ready to fight and defend their nation — people who are far braver than you or I will ever be.
You estrange the best of this land at your peril.
The writer is founder and chairperson of CERG Advisory Private Limited